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Februar ein. Die Beziehungen zwischen der deutschen Bundesregierung und der Regierung Spaniens sind unbelastet. Deutschland ist einer der wichtigsten Handelspartner Spaniens. Von der Finanzkrise ab wurde Spanien besonders hart getroffen. Seit dem 5. Der spanische Nationalschriftsteller Miguel de Cervantes — wurde in Deutschland stark rezipiert. Sie erschien jedoch erst und umfasste nur die ersten 23 Kapitel. Der Tourismus in Spanien stellt einen bedeutenden Wirtschaftsfaktor dar.

Meanwhile, the ECB, constrained by political limits, will be unable to do much to revive growth. Italy could move from a barely sustainable equilibrium to a runaway crisis. The core problem today, as in , is that the world economic growth depends so heavily on policy stimulus and to an alarmingly high degree on the performance of the Chinese economy.

Such an outcome would further spook global financial markets. The stresses from the last financial crisis, though well below their peaks, remain elevated. The monetary and fiscal space for responding to new turbulence is limited. Economic Calendar Tax Withholding Calculator.

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Faschismus in Italien – Mussolini, Gründung, Marsch auf Rom, totalitäre Diktatur, Ideologie & Ende

Model Classical Antiquity. Translatio Imperii im Moskauer Russland. Kongregation von Saint-Maur.

Idealisierung der Urkirche. Medizinische Humanisten. Galen-Rezeption Melanchthons. Roman Law and Reception. Model Europe. Homo Europaeus. Europa-Netzwerke der Zwischenkriegszeit. Concepts of Europe. Model Germania. Model Italy. Banca, giro, storno. Wirtschaft und Landwirtschaft. Versailles Model. Enlightenment Philosophy. Antiquity has served as a model for modern times in many ways, in art and architecture as well as in science, scholarship, and politics.

Yet antiquity is not a clear-cut entity, no fact in itself, but rather a cultural code — one that admits of myriad applications and whose meaning and functions can only be understood within the specific settings in which it has been appropriated. It is possible to identify certain cycles and developments in the way antiquity has been reformulated that are bound up with nuclei of tradition, but these have themselves produced accretions that have in turn influenced subsequent uses of the model of antiquity. Instead of a simple process of reception, it makes more sense to speak of complex and dynamic adaptations and appropriations along the lines of cultural transfer.

This can be seen equally well in both republican discourses and the various forms of monarchical representation, as well as in more recent attempts at "empire"-building.

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The rediscovery of antiquity and the retreat from the tenebrae "darkness" of the medium tempus "Middle Age" became the programme of the Renaissance, 2 thus inaugurating an epoch that, beginning with the definitive division of history into three periods in Christoph Cellarius's — Historia Universalis , would be called modernity. But what is the "model of antiquity? The goal of this perspective, which is at home especially in literary studies, is to shift the focus away from the work itself and onto its readers and other recipients, placing perceptions and appropriations of works of art at the centre of attention.

Analogously, one can say that antiquity is appropriated reciprocally and dynamically in different settings. It functions, however, as a model, as a construct of the past, and always with reference to contemporary reality. Nevertheless, the various historical actors are not always aware that what has been transferred is indeed a construct. On the contrary, the model constructed has a retrospective effect, reshaping past realities and therewith modifying bodies of knowledge. We thus speak of "appropriation" and "reformulation", in which the highly fragmentary elements of antiquity that are available in texts, images, and material remains are assimilated to specific argumentative exigencies, giving rise to "hybrid" forms.

Of course, the appropriation of a model does not occur simply with direct reference to antiquity. Instead, it is always influenced by earlier processes of appropriation as well.


Prior interpretations of antiquity lie between it and the present like nuclei of tradition Traditionskerne , thus predetermining readings and impeding — without the recipients necessarily recognizing it — direct access to ancient texts. These nuclei of tradition are reformulated in contemporary understandings of antiquity and act, so to speak, as a template or a lens that makes antiquity decipherable and interpretable to that later age. In the process, layers are added to these nuclei of tradition that are determined not only by various contemporary discourses but also via specific social and political elements as well as by the peculiarities of the various genres in which they appear.

Antiquity as well as the past in general, it must be accepted, remains in principle inaccessible. Only across numerous layers of reception and appropriation can it be comprehended and appropriated anew. Thus, as a model, it is continuously endowed with new substance and always results in new representations of ancient phenomena. Nevertheless, these phenomena possessed paradigmatic significance, in the form of a cultural code, throughout all of early modernity and far into more recent history, and this despite the at times bitterly waged querelle des anciens et des modernes of the late 17th century.

Antiquity and especially Rome doubtless enjoyed special significance in the context of claims to universal rule. The concept of empire was heavily informed by the idea that the Roman Empire lived on in the Romano-German Empire. Rome therefore served as a frame of reference for universal power in both the secular and the spiritual realms, a state of affairs that was to last, with manifold variations from age to age, from to Rome's eschatological function also played an essential role, as Rome counted as the last of the four world monarchies due to appear before the Last Judgment.

In the midth century, the related concept of a translatio imperii arose, that is of a "transfer of the empire" to the Franks , 15 and the name Sacrum Imperium Romanum "Holy Roman Empire" remained relevant until the end of the Old Empire Altes Reich. Indeed, the alleged continuity of the Kaisers from antiquity to modern times ensured that the Old Empire occupied the most distinguished position in Europe.

Although the idea of Rome tended to lose its importance, it nevertheless remained an essential component of imperial self-portrayal, as can be seen in the epitaph on Maximilian I's — cenotaph in the Hofkirche in Innsbruck.

Model Classical Antiquity — EGO

Removed from the military context proper to its architectural type, the Roman triumphal arch was erected in to commemorate the wedding of Archduke Leopold later Emperor Leopold II, — to the Spanish princess Maria Ludovica — Although its political significance was rather slight, the idea of Rome continued to be of special importance for the self-representation and the insistently claimed pre-eminence of the Kaiser of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation variously adapted to the needs of the times, of course. The kings of France also sought to forge links to Roman imperial dignity, especially when it came to substantiating claims to the imperial crown.

A "new Rome" was supposed to arise in France under Francis I — , the expression of which can be seen in the numerous citations of antiquity in the architecture and decoration of the Grande Galerie in the Palace of Fontainebleau.

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Moving on to England , the idea of an Augustan Age played an important role beginning in with the reign of Charles II — The spectrum of this new Augustan era was manifold. To be sure it suggested imperial grandeur, a notion whose significance grew especially in the 18th century, but another important aspect was the belief that a highpoint of civilisation had been reached that had not been seen since the reign of the emperor Augustus 63 BC— Humanism introduced a decidedly anti-imperial reflex into the model of antiquity. With marked consistency, the humanists dealt primarily with the Roman republic and developed a keen interest in Roman historiography.

Their engagement with Roman history led them to the notion that Rome had been the most perfect culture ever and that it owed its longevity above all to the extraordinary virtue of its great men. Fundamental republican outlooks on antiquity, which would become a decisive template for later reformulations, were developed particularly in Renaissance Florence. Here, as everywhere in Italy , the written and material remains of antiquity were present as a direct inheritance, and this is where the first buds of humanism blossomed — enriched as well by the flow of Greek scholars emigrating from Constantinople in the wake of the Ottoman conquest.

The "civic humanism" that developed in Florence in the course of the conflict with Milan although stemming from medieval and corporate roots was guided by the model of the Roman republic. And therefore it was an ideal whose emulation could help to overcome the crisis of the Florentine political system. In Machiavelli's work, Sparta and republican Rome appear above all as examples of a successful mixed constitution in the sense described by the Greek historian Polybios — BC , who had been rediscovered by Leonardo Bruni.

Antiquity and its Appropriation: A Sketch of the Problem

According to Polybios, both regimes received their stability from the prudent combination of the constitutional forms of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, each of which entailed the representation of a different social class, 31 as well as from a superior military. In Machiavelli as well as in the work of many other Italian authors of the day, Rome and Sparta could serve as models for a kind of order, embodying stability at home and expansion and rule abroad, that was perceived as both an aspirational ideal and a historical reality.

Argumentative strategies relating to antiquity and at least potentially directed against ruling monarchs gained urgency as confessional rifts opened between sovereigns and portions of their subjects in the wake of the Reformation. Both the Calvinist Monarchomachs "opposers of the monarchy" in France and the Dutch Revolt produced numerous writings on the right of resistance.

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Furthermore, they developed an imagery of freedom that had a considerable influence on the following centuries. For example, John Calvin — and Philipp Melanchthon — accorded an active right of resistance only to certain officials whom they compared to the Spartan ephors, the Attic demarchs, and the Roman tribunes of the plebs. Bartholomew's Day massacre, praised tyrannicide on the part of private citizens in extreme cases as long as they, like Marcus Junius Brutus 85—42 BC , Marcus Porcius Cato 95—46 BC and Cicero, acted in the defence of liberty.

In particular the younger Brutus and the assassination of Gaius Iulius Caesar —44 BC also became emblems and models for resistance and liberty elsewhere, as can be seen in a medal of Lorenzino de' Medici — that, in imitation of the well-known Brutus coin , portrayed his assassination of Alessandro de' Medici — as a tyrannicide. In addition, both humanism and confessional struggles considerably promoted the genesis of national identities.

In the Netherlands , which had been fighting for their independence from Spain since , conceptions of the ancient Batavians played an essential role in the formation of national identity. Similarly, the discovery of Cornelius Tacitus' ca. On the other hand, monarchies also made use of references to antiquity. Ever since the Middle Ages, the term "monarchy" had referred to the constitutional theory of Aristotle — BC. Jean Bodin — , for example, did not even consider the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation a monarchy but rather an aristocratic entity.

Of central importance was also the patriarchal justification of monarchy found in the Bible. However significant the designation of the ruler as pater patriae "father of the country" may have been, adopted as it was from Cicero and other classical authors, it was also highly charged with the conception of the sovereign as the father of the household as well as with ideas of a cosmic order at the head of which stood God as sole ruler. Moreover, all European dynasties sought to legitimate themselves by means of references to ancient mythology and history.